Archive for December, 2008

An improving relationship now at risk in South Asia

Friday, December 12th, 2008

Opinion, the TORONTO STAR, December 12, 2008

Community-building measures between India and Pakistan lost as blame game heats up

SONYA FATAH
My heart sank when Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in his first national address after the Mumbai terror attacks, said that a foreign hand was involved.

Last year, Singh made the endearing admission that he wished in his lifetime to see a day when he could breakfast in New Delhi, lunch in Lahore and dine in Kabul. Since last month’s ghastly attack, that dream seems desperately distant.

I am Pakistani and Muslim. My husband is Indian and Hindu, and I have lived in New Delhi for two years as a journalist with the Canadian media.

As a Pakistani growing up in a hostile Indo-Pak environment, I never imagined that India and Pakistan could ever get along. Yet here I am, a testament to that change, not only living among Indians but also happily married to one.

Over the past six years, a series of community-building measures have matured the India-Pakistan relationship. Education exchanges and fashion shows have taken place.

Indian crowds boisterously cheered on Pakistani cricket players during a recent club tournament. There has been people-to-people diplomacy, and trade has significantly multiplied.

Moreover, despite the challenges of our notorious bureaucracies, new, lasting, long-term partnerships like my own have developed. At a personal level, our families have embraced one another. And in travelling India as a journalist, I have found that a cross-section of Indian society – rickshaw drivers, store owners, students, activists, police officers, government officials and many others – have been demonstrably hospitable. Many consider the South Asian faceoff a reflection of establishment, not people-to-people, hostility.

All that goodwill promises to change.

After the Mumbai attacks, I watched the coverage with deep anger at the young, urban-clad terrorists who massacred innocent people in the name of a religion they clearly don’t know. But as I watched the Indian media report the grisly event, I began to panic. Before the first night was out the nation was certain that Pakistan was responsible.

The media began whipping their viewers into an anti-Pakistan frenzy. Suddenly, regular citizens – housewives, students and young professionals, mostly from the country’s middle to upper classes – began chanting the mantra, “Let’s bomb Pakistan.” On a nationally televised show, television host Simi Garewal began calling for carpet bombing Pakistan.

This kind of sentiment is especially dangerous. Many Indians think a quick bombing sortie on Pakistani terrorist camps will solve the problem. They forget that Pakistan has one of the world’s better armed forces bristling with modern weaponry and, like India, nuclear warheads. The human toll of any such engagement would be catastrophic.

I’m no stranger to Pakistan’s problems. As a journalist I’ve covered Pakistan fairly extensively, from the Pak-Afghan border areas to Pakistani Kashmir. Militancy is indeed on the rise and Pakistan’s intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence or ISI, remains an extra-constitutional actor. Elite and middle-class Pakistanis know this but are in denial.

People paid special attention only when Islamabad’s Marriott Hotel, a haunt of the elite, went up in flames in September. Similarly in India, bombs have gone off in middle-class markets and in trains packed with lower class passengers. Only now, when the elite has been attacked, is there any sense of urgency for retaliation.

The reality is that Pakistan cannot afford war. Today, counterinsurgencies are underway in Balochistan and in the North-West Frontier Province. The country’s economy is in shambles, and young, disillusioned Pakistanis are happily joining a growing cult of militancy.

A war would play into Al Qaeda’s hands by distracting the Pakistani military’s attention and allowing Al Qaeda to ramp up its operations.

So, where do we go from here? Today, India is a South Asian leader. It needs to bring in stronger, more mature leadership that can rise above the blame game that has typically characterized the relationship.

It has work to do at home and abroad, though. It has to show that secularism works. It must act with speed in situations like in Orissa where Hindu mobs recently killed scores of Christians and set fire to their villages. It has to overcome the grisly history of the 1992 razing of the Babri mosque, and the killing of more than 1,000 Muslims in Gujarat in 2002.

Closure has been difficult because of the rise of Hindu extremism; an Indian army officer is being investigated for the 2007 Samjhauta Express bombing – the friendship train between India and Pakistan, in which 68 people, mostly Pakistanis, died.

Equally worrisome is the large increase in bomb attacks by Indian Muslims.

South Asia, in particular Pakistan, is in a fragile state.

Yet there is reason for hope.

Recently, Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari told Indians via live satellite at a leadership summit interview – televised in India and Pakistan – that Pakistan has adopted a no-first-strike nuclear policy, the first such promise from a Pakistani leader. Zardari said he was for “change and reconciliation,” and endeared himself to Indians when he said, “I do not know whether it is the Indian or the Pakistani in me that is talking to you today.”

This week, Pakistani security forces arrested 15 people connected with the outlawed militant outfit, Lashkar-e-Taiba, which India holds accountable for the Mumbai attacks.

Perhaps now both countries have an opportunity to solve the regional crisis. They should finally put Kashmir – the longest dispute in modern history – on the table for resolution.

On a personal level, as a Pakistani living in India and married to an Indian, it worries me that partnerships like ours, which could be one key to regional peace, must survive in an oasis of hysteria and at the edge of communal tension. Every day we hope for a day when economic, political and human relationships are real and sustainable. And yet, it takes only a handful of terrorists to strike at the heart of a small piece of trust that has taken decades to cultivate.

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The Conviction of Love

Monday, December 8th, 2008

Amnesty Magazine, Winter 2008
By Sonya Fatah
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Amina Janjua

After Amina Masood Janjua’s husband went missing, she took her case to the steps of the Supreme Court with nothing more than some handmade placards and a few folding chairs. Her protest over Pakistan’s “disappeared” has grown into a national movement and become an integral storyline in the country’s continuing constitutional crisis.

On the morning of July 30, 2005, Amina Janjua sat down for breakfast as usual with her husband, Masood Ahmed Janjua, and their three children. After their meal, the children waved goodbye as their father headed off with a friend for three days in the northwestern city of Peshawar, a little over a hundred miles from their home in Rawalpindi. Amina watched Masood walk away from the house and turn the corner.

It was the last time she saw him. Although the details of what happened to her husband and his friend, Faisal Faraz, are sketchy, Amina has learned that they may not have boarded the bus that was to take them to Peshawar. They were picked up by intelligence agents and bundled off into illegal detention in unknown places.

For nights before his departure, Amina had had strange nightmares. “My dreams were wild,” she says. “I dreamt that I kept falling, and I dreamt of being buried alive. In retrospect I realized that these must have been premonitions or some sort of intuition. That day, as I saw him disappear around the corner, I desperately wanted to run after him, stop him and tell him not to go that weekend. But I knew he would think I was being silly, so I just let him go.”

After Masood went missing, family and friends worked tirelessly for months to obtain information about his whereabouts. When they learned he had “disappeared” into Pakistan’s large and secretive intelligence netherworld, they called upon their contacts within the country’s powerful military and its affiliated intelligence agencies. Masood’s father, a retired colonel who knew then- President Gen. Pervez Musharraf from his days in the army, asked the most powerful man in the country to secure his son’s release. “At first, all our contacts in the army—and we had many— said they would find out and help us. Even President Musharraf promised to help. I met everyone I could access,” says Amina, who initially fell into a deep depression before throwing herself into the search. But her entreaties went nowhere. “I felt I was facing a wall. There was no relief from anyone—the police, the courts—and we had tried all our military contacts. After promising to help, they began to avoid me.”

In September 2006, Amina joined with relatives of Faraz and another man who had “disappeared,” Atiq-ur-Rehman, to stage a protest outside the steps of the Supreme Court with handcrafted posters and placards. Her daughter, Ayesha, then 10 years old, made her own sign: uncle president, please find my loving abbo [father]. That tiny protest launched a national movement that, within a year, swelled with the families of 575 missing Pakistanis and was joined by lawyers, judges, students and concerned citizens. It has made Amina Janjua a household name and given voice to the frustrations of ordinary Pakistanis at their government’s heavy-handed tactics in the war on terror that spurred deadly attacks at home but did nothing to diminish domestic terrorism. Amina grew increasingly politicized as she realized, she says, that “they have kept men like my husband, who are innocent, in secret prisons for years, and the real criminals are roaming our streets with aplomb.”

To see Amina Masood Janjua in action today on the steps of the Supreme Court, or outside the gates of the Awane- Saddar (office of the president), or addressing a human rights delegation at the United Nations in Geneva, as she did earlier this year, is to witness the remarkable transformation of a devoted wife who once contented herself with fussing over her husband and children, painting and writing love poems in her spare time. Amina is now head of the Defense of Human Rights, the group launched by that first protest in 2006, and she has proven herself to be a dynamic activist who understands the utility of harnessing public opinion to support her mission: to win the release of hundreds of men who remain in illegal detention in and around Pakistan— or at least to obtain legal access and representation for them. “We do whatever we can to raise awareness at different levels,” she says. “We stage protests, press conferences, hold seminars and have awareness campaigns.” Recently, in an effort to reach out further, the Defense of Human Rights hosted a painting competition for children to express their views on wrongful arrests, illegal detentions and the poor condition of Pakistani jails.

In Amina, the Defense of Human Rights has the perfect ambassador. Her voice is soft yet persuasive. Her round and slightly cherubic face, framed by her sometimes plain, sometimes patterned hijabs, can turn fierce with determination. By her own admission, the trauma of Masood’s “disappearance” has given her both perspective and purpose in life. “I had no idea about cruelty and injustice in the world. I was living in such happiness, even in childhood. I was a family favorite, and everyone treated me like a princess. Masood was so loving and caring as a husband,” she says. “After experiencing this pain, I’ve changed a lot. I spend most of my hours thinking about injustice in our modern age of technology and advancement, and yet”—Amina’s voice breaks—”at the time we were so desperate, we would just take a few chairs, some snacks for the children and park ourselves outside the parliament, hoping to get some attention. I had no idea that this would mushroom into a national movement when we started.”

Early on in Amina’s quest, her story attracted the attention of the chief justice of the Supreme Court, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. He took deep interest in the issue of the “disappeared” and directed intelligence agencies to produce the men they had abducted before court to afford them the legal protections they were due under the justice system. His efforts won the enmity of then-President Musharraf, who sacked him in November 2007. The general’s roughshod treatment of the country’s top judge, and the sub-sequent suspension of Chaudhry’s allies in the judiciary, set off a protracted constitutional struggle that resulted in violent street clashes between police and lawyers outraged by Chaudhry’s ouster. Pakistan’s new national government has reinstated some of the judges, but Chaudhry—who has become a potent symbol of democracy in a fractious political climate—remains suspended, along with several other judges.

Amina’s fight has been closely intertwined with the so-called “Lawyers’ Movement,” a fact that is reflected by the high regard many members of the judiciary have for her. Says Fakhruddin Ibrahim, a retired Supreme Court justice who has supported Amina’s cause from the start, “I think half the battle was fought because of her. The lawyers were there to fight the case on legal grounds, but she would assert herself on emotional grounds. Her role was very important in this process, which I believe has been the most important litigation to come before the Supreme Court of Pakistan.”

The issue of “disappearances” has been an extremely volatile one in Pakistan, for hundreds of the missing are from Balochistan, the province that has been at odds with the national government for decades over institutionalized ethnic discrimination, including the aggressive extraction of its natural resources—coal, minerals and natural gas—and poor representation in Islamabad. Several individuals have also gone missing in Sindh Province, where people have similar grievances. Before Amina and her family challenged the country’s seat of power, these families had kept silent, afraid that public demonstrations of their anxiety would result in persecution from various branches of Pakistani intelligence. After her public protest movement began, she says, “All sorts of families started coming to us. I realized we had something in common: We were all merely asking for our rights. So I said, sure, join us.”

“Her leadership in Pakistan, during a time of crisis when hundreds of Pakistanis were ‘disappearing,’ was essential,” says T. Kumar, Amnesty International USA’s advocacy director for Asia and the Pacific. “It’s very rare to come across someone who is willing to go so far, even when it affects her own family.”

Amina’s vigorous activism, however, has attracted the unwanted attention of the authorities. During a December 2006 rally in Rawalpindi, police officials beat her two sons and partially stripped one of them in public. “My daughter and I were screaming at them to leave them alone. Then my daughter fainted, and I didn’t know what to do—to help her or my sons.” Widespread news coverage resulted in the sacking of junior police officers involved. But Amina insists they were sacrificial lambs for the high-level officers who gave the orders. “I gave an affidavit spelling out their names and ranks. In the end they sacked the wrong guys.”

In September, en route to the United States, her visa was cancelled suddenly— a result, Amina believes, of her growing prominence on the international stage; the cancellation occurred just as she was departing Switzerland after addressing a series of high-level European meetings. “I was at the airport in Geneva, ready to board my plane,” Amina says, “whenI received a phone call from Islamabad. The caller identified himself as Chris Richard from [the] visa section of the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan. He told me, ‘We will deport you if you try to board this plane. We have simply been told to communicate this order to you, and we don’t know why.’”

In many ways the story of Amina’s life with Masood had the trappings of a Pakistani romance novel. She was born in Mardan, in Pakistan’s now-restive northwestern frontier province, in 1964 and spent the afternoons of her childhood scampering across conveyer belts carrying bags of colored sugar in the factory where her father was chief engineer. As a young woman she hoped to become an army medical officer; when she failed to make the cut, she went into the arts, earning her bachelor’s degree in English literature and a master’s degree in fine arts from Punjab University’s Government College for Women.

Art introduced her to Masood. After university Amina participated in a number of exhibitions hosted by some of the country’s most renowned artists and kept a lookout for a gallery that would exhibit her work. Although Masood earned most of his income at the time from his travel agency, he also owned the Originals Art Gallery in Islamabad. Amina recalls, “When I showed him my art work, he told me he didn’t like it! It was too realistic. He encouraged me to try and use more abstract influences in my paintings, to be more creative with my work.” Later, he bought some of her paintings, and a romance developed. They were married in 1989, after their families met, settled into a three-story house in Westridge—a prominent neighborhood in Rawalpindi, a city of 3 million people— with Masood’s parents, and had three children: Mohammad, Ali and Ayesha. Amina still shares the house with Masood’s father and his mother, both of whom have been her A-team since their son disappeared. They live on the ground floor; Amina shares the middle floor with her daughter, Ayesha; and her sons, Mohammad, 18, and Ali, 17, live on the top floor.

Amina says she has no idea why the authorities would have been interested in Masood, though she says he became religious, began “sporting a beard” and devoted more time to social service after the couple performed the Muslim pilgrimage Hajj in 2000. “These days, just having a beard and wearing shalwar kameez makes us marked people in our own country,” she says.

She is, however, keenly aware that her family has been riven by political forces larger—and more ominous— than even she imagines. “Many of my well-wishers and family members made me realize that what I’m doing is not only unusual but also historic, and it could be very dangerous too—God forbid.” Yet she is driven by the hope that Masood will return.

Last year she wrote, in Urdu:

I’m amazed
That you’re not here
And yet
The sun rises,
The moon shines, and the stars
Twinkle…
…I am amazed
That you are not here
And that lamps of hope are still lit
From my beloved heart
The feeling is still strong
The love of my life,
That you are!
O love of my life,
That you are!

During the last couple of years, Amina has witnessed the return of perhaps 150 “disappeared” individuals. Some of them, after spending years in subterranean and subhuman conditions, were mentally and physically destroyed. She is prepared for a changed Masood once he comes home, though she hopes he is not as incapacitated as one man she knows who—two years after his release—stammers and cannot cross the road for fear.

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Canadian questions a year-long commitment

Monday, December 1st, 2008

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SUPPLIED PICTURE

Joanna Harries is reconsidering her decision to spend a year in Mumbai.
December 01, 2008

SONYA FATAH, THE TORONTO STAR

MUMBAI–When Joanna Harries was deciding whether to head to India or Pakistan after learning she had been selected for the Acumen Fund’s year-long fellowship program, she opted for India.

“I said `no’ to Pakistan because I figured it would be a dangerous place for a woman,” the Toronto native said.

The irony of that decision isn’t lost on her.

Harries, 28, arrived in Mumbai two weeks ago. She was at a reception at the Cricket Club of India in the south of the city when the news of the attacks reached her. “There was absolute chaos. Everyone was stranded in south Mumbai and wanted to get out. There were 10 to 12 people in each cab, and we knew that bombs had gone off in some cabs but we couldn’t do anything.”

She and her colleagues made it to the safety of their homes in the northern suburbs, but the experiences of that night and the past few days have left her rattled.

Harries, who worked as a brand manager with Unilever in Canada and the United States, was married last year but didn’t want to pass up the Acumen Fund opportunity, so she and her husband are spending the year apart. Acumen, which also operates in Pakistan and Africa, is a non-profit social venture fund that invests in “sustainable and scalable” businesses to tackle poverty.

In Mumbai, Harries has been working for DIAL 1298, a private ambulance service operating in a city starved for good public medical care. During the three-day siege in Mumbai, DIAL 1298 played a significant role in aiding government, police and hospital officials.

Its 51 ambulances, half outfitted with state-of-the-art advanced life support, some charged by solar panels, scurried from location to location ferrying hostages from the city’s two premier hotels.

“I spent the night in the call centre just watching and trying to be helpful, talking to blood donors, and watching what was going on, on television … I don’t know how to evaluate what has happened. In Canadian terms, this number of deaths never happens.”

These are days of second thoughts. She says she feels fine, but she is questioning whether being in Mumbai, away from a new spouse and the safety and security of home, is a smart decision.

Her family in Toronto is deeply concerned about her safety. Although they understand her reasons for being in India and taking on the fellowship, they would be happy if she returned home to Canada, Harries said.

“I’m going around talking to many people – Indian and otherwise – to see what they think. I feel safe in my apartment but I don’t want to spend the rest of my year here holed up in there.”

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Survivors recall hotel nightmare

Monday, December 1st, 2008

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SUPPLIED PICTURE
Charles Cannon, left, spoke of ordeal. Larry Koftinoff, of Kelowna, B.C., turned to meditation during hotel siege.

December 01, 2008
SONYA FATAH, THE TORONTO STAR

MUMBAI–Days after they escaped the besieged Oberoi hotel, many of the surviving members of a meditation group are still traumatized by their experience.

Lured to India in search of spirituality, the group of 25 meditation practitioners from Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand instead found themselves in a prolonged terrorist attack.

By the end of their 45-hour ordeal, two members of the group had died and three – including Montreal actor Michael Rudder who was shot three times – were recovering in Bombay Hospital.

The remaining three Canadians, Helen Connolly of Toronto, who was grazed in the arm by a bullet, and Kelowna, B.C., couple Larry and Bernie Koftinoff, are well and looking forward to returning home.

The group’s leader, known to members as Master Charles Cannon, told reporters yesterday of the harrowing hours during which the group mustered its strength, he said, to emerge from the experience feeling profoundly more spiritual.

Cannon, 63, paused from time to time to check his emotions as he talked about the group’s ordeal.

“As I sat in that room in the Oberoi hotel with the door barricaded and guns and bombs going off for over 45 hours … thinking that the next moment the door would be blown away and life would be ended, I kept trying to look into myself and see what sense I could make of the situation,” the American said.

In the end, he said, the experience was an “affirmation of life, of compassion, of love, kindness and of the oneness of humanity.”

Larry Koftinoff, 56, who introduced Cannon to reporters, appeared calm and composed. But he said some of the group’s members were starting to show signs of post-traumatic stress disorder.

“It’s this time when the post-traumatic stress starts – a lot of the women especially – now that they are now coming out of the shock that you’re in originally and realize what has happened.”

Koftinoff and his wife, Bernie, also turned to meditation during the siege.

“We had each other,” Koftinoff said. “For some of the other people, it’s harder because they don’t have anyone else there to help balance the tensions.”

The group arrived in India on Nov. 15 for a two-week meditation course under Cannon’s leadership. Cannon heads the Synchronicity Foundation, which he started up in 1983, as a “modern mystic” and a “master of meditation” after spending 12 years in India. The foundation, a non-profit organization, focuses on meditation and has a 180-hectare sanctuary not far from Charlottesville, Va. On the Wednesday evening of the attack, most of the group’s members had retired to their rooms after returning from a meditation session.

Rudder, Connolly and four Americans had opted to dine at Tiffin, a restaurant in the hotel, when gunmen entered the room and sprayed the guests with bullets.

Cannon said all six dove under the table for cover. Survivors watched in horror as the gunmen went table to table and sprayed bullets at those cowering underneath. Two Americans, Alan Scherr, 58, and his 13-year-old daughter Naomi, were killed while they held onto each other. Connolly held their hands and felt their lives ebb away as the attackers stormed the hotel.

After the gunmen left, a waiter whispered, “If you can move, follow me.” The surviving four – three of them with bullet wounds – crawled to safety and left through a back entrance. All four were taken to hospital, and Rudder, who was in critical care at first, is recovering and expected to be in Bombay Hospital for another two weeks after undergoing surgery.

For the remaining 19 members of the group, gun battles, explosions and the sounds of footsteps of terrorists running between the floors, continued for 45 hours before their release was secured.

Cannon, who was in his room with two of his assistants, broke the thick glass of the hotel window when fire broke out and smoke began to fill the air. In his room on the 12th floor, Koftinoff did the same.

“What was amazing was that a lot of people in Canada sent us a lot of prayers, energy and healing across,” said Gautam Sachdeva, who heads Yoga Impressions.

“We got calls and emails and heard about a lot of special prayers held for the group. People got together in ashrams and prayed for them.”

Despite experiencing loss and feeling low, neither Cannon nor any in his group seem to blame anyone for their ordeal.

Yesterday afternoon, Cannon visited the three members in hospital.

He said one of the injured women told him, “We are not the victims of terrorism, we are the victors over terrorism. We chose the affirmation of life, we chose love and we forgive.”

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