Bombs, fear and “Mamma Mia!”

November 3rd, 2009

Bombs, fear and “Mamma Mia!”

By Sonya Fatah — Special to GlobalPost

Published: October 30, 2009 06:45 ET

KARACHI, Pakistan — On large billboards across Karachi, three smiling faces that would seem more at home on Broadway stare out at passers-by. The trio is better known to theater-goers half a world away as Donna and the Dynamos, from the musical, “Mamma Mia!” Now, a small but savvy Pakistani audience is itself swinging to a “best of” selection of Abba songs and local performers are bowing to standing ovations.

The musical’s 15-day run was short by American standards, but packed the Karachi Arts Council auditorium to capacity — 425 people — every show. And while many schools and universities across the country remain closed in the aftermath of a series of attacks — one on an educational institution in Islamabad on Oct. 20 that killed six — fear of being targeted by terrorists didn’t stop some 7,000 Karachiites from turning out.

During the 11 years of authoritarian rule by Gen. Zia-ul-Haq, between 1977 and 1988, the arts in Pakistan suffered debilitating blow after blow. But the country underwent a cultural revival of sorts under Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who oversaw the establishment of the National Academy for Performing Arts in 2005. Now, a new generation of Pakistanis, governed by civilians but faced with the seemingly ever-present threat of terrorist (mainly Taliban) attack, appears unwilling to have a rare outlet for social and cultural expression taken away.

“At a very basic level, its family-style entertainment,” said Nida Butt, the director, whose company, Made for Stage Productions, staged the show. “It’s escapism. You forget about your problems, you make people happy.”

Butt, 28, also directed the musical “Chicago” last year, a show that ran a total of 32 nights, first in Karachi and then in Lahore — two of Pakistan’s biggest, wealthiest and most cosmopolitan centers. She’s already thinking about a third musical and planning to tour “Mamma Mia!” outside of Karachi.

Butt hopes that providing a space for musicals and theater will encourage the birth of a homegrown commercial theater industry: “I had to fly to another country to see my first musical on West End. I was 25 years old! A lot of young people have come and watched this. I hope that maybe this makes them think that they can be actors, singers and dancers and that can be their profession.”

Setting that example is 29-year-old Kiran Choudhry, who plays the lead role of Donna Sheridan. Educated as a lawyer and a graduate of Oxford University who started singing early under the tutelage of Ustad Fateh Ali Khan, an internationally acclaimed vocalist and a star in the complex domain of eastern classical music. In 2006, after taking voice lessons from VoxBox in London, Choudhry ditched her job and her career as a corporate lawyer and returned to Pakistan to pursue her true passion: singing. She is now the lead singer of her band, Caramel, despite her father’s wish that she would one day become the president of Pakistan.

In “Mamma Mia!,” Choudhry captivated audiences with her vocal range and adaptation of the lead role.

A theater industry by Western standards may be a long way off, but Made for Stage productions, which focuses on commercial, entertaining theater, is working hard to increase its visibility. Its chief sponsorship for “Mamma Mia!” came from McDonald’s.

During Zia’s time, the only performing arts that were allowed were folk dance and music. Many Pakistani artists were either silenced or went into exile. It’s only in recent years that an effort has been made to make up for lost time.

The National Academy for Performing Arts, Karachi’s main theater academy, largely focuses on more serious performances than “Mamma Mia!” Its latest work was an Urdu language translation of Anton Chekhov’s “The Seagull.”

Even if the scale and scope of “Mamma Mia!” was larger, Karachi, a city of anywhere between 9 and 15 million residents (depending whose statistics you believe), a performance in English priced at 1,500 rupees (about $20) can hardly be called a mainstream success.

To the audiences that poured in to watch “Mamma Mia!” every night for 15 nights, that seemed largely irrelevant. A happy humming cacophony of Abba tunes could be distinctly heard in the Karachi sky.

Even the city on alert with Tehrik-e-Taliban setting off bombs in public spaces across the country, didn’t dampen spirits.

Changing the mood in Pakistan — that is partly what drove Butt and her team as they staged “Mamma Mia!”

“Given all this negativity that is reigning supreme in our country, we need pockets of vibrant life and joy,” Choudhry said. “On one level it destroys that negativity, it breaks its hold … I’ve absolutely no issues if the Taliban are around the corner. It makes me want to get on stage even more and shake it out.”

Popularity: 4% [?]

Indo-Pak Watch: Mr. Singh’s problems

August 18th, 2009

By Sonya Fatah — Special to GlobalPost

Published: August 18, 2009 05:22 ET
Updated: August 19, 2009 13:38 ET

NEW DELHI — They met, they shook hands and they penned a joint statement at the sidelines of the Non-Aligned Movement summit meeting in Sharm el Sheik last month. For anyone watching, such camaraderie between the prime ministers of India and Pakistan seemed a welcome break from the tension following the November 2008 Mumbai attacks launched by Pakistan-based militants.

In the aftermath of that attack few Indians — in government or among the public — felt warmly towards Pakistan.

But even eight months later, the offering of an olive branch by India’s prime minister, Manmohan Singh, to Pakistan caused a maelstrom in all sorts of circles in the Indian capital. The prime minister’s offense? Not just shaking hands with his Pakistani counterpart, Yousaf Raza Gilani, but releasing a joint statement that riled up New Delhi for its casual mention of two issues.

First, action on terrorism, the statement read, should not be linked to dialogue. This just after a high court in the Pakistan released Hafiz Saeed, believed to be the mastermind of the Mumbai attacks.

Second, the text contained a veiled reference to Indian intelligence activity in Pakistan’s restive province of Balochistan, which critics argue is equal to an admission of involvement in Pakistan’s internal affairs. But when Parliament convened, a senior member of the main opposition party declared that, “all the waters of Neptune will not wash away the shame of Sharm el Sheik.” It’s hard to know where this reaction leaves the Indo-Pak relationship, especially since India and Pakistan seem to see things through polar lenses. Still, a prime minister’s sincere efforts to confront the conflict, seen here as a blunder most unkind, may in fact do some good.

“He wants peace, we appreciate that,” said Retd. Gen. Ved Malik, former chief of Indian armed forces. “But we are not talking about two individuals here. We see no change in the jihadi infrastructure in Pakistan.”

Security analysts agree. “How much can you go on ensuring your good faith, only to have Pakistan come back with some idiotic adventure, something that serves their internal dynamic but doesn’t do anything to advance peace in the region?” asked Bharat Karnad of the Center for Policy Research, a think tank in New Delhi.

Terror aside, much of the debate in India has revolved around Balochistan, where a separatist movement has long been underway. Pakistan has repeatedly alleged that India is destabilizing it by assisting separatists, a claim that has been ignored next to the long charge sheet against Pakistan.

Almost everyone in India sees the inclusion of Balochistan in the joint statement as an enormous faux pas. “If, as the PM claims, India is doing nothing in Balochistan, why give it away?” Karnad asked.

It’s widely believed in India that Indian intelligence action in Pakistan ended in 1997 when Inderjit Gujral, then prime minister, ordered a cessation of activities conducted by the Research and Analysis Wing, or RAW, India’s prime intelligence agency.

Pakistan’s accusation is seen here as propaganda. Moreover, Indian analysts insist that RAW is incompetent next to its much more powerful counterpart, the Pakistani Inter Services Intelligence, or ISI.

“Over the years, the entire India-Pakistan situation has been simplified to the good guys wear white hats, the bad guys wear black hats,” said Jug Suraiya, a political commentator and op-ed columnist whose liberal views earn him plenty of hate mail. “We consider ourselves pure martyrs. It’s a very juvenile attitude.” India and Pakistan have gone to war three times already, in 1948, 1965 and 1971. Three border conflicts over land and water have remained unresolved 62 years after partition and independence.

The Indian prime minister has often expressed his desire to see a change in the angry, sub-continental relationship. In early 2007 he famously stated that he dreamt of a day when “one can have breakfast in Amritsar, lunch in Lahore and dinner in Kabul.”

Has the recent commotion weakened the prime minister? Unlikely.

“He is deeply committed to India’s economic and social development,” Suraiya argues. “He does bring in fresh ideas. I think he realizes that one of the problems India faces is its obsessive relationship with Pakistan, and he feels it should be a more constructive engagement.”

Outside the brouhaha over Sharm el Sheik, the prime minister is likely one of the most respected citizens of India, and one of the most respected Indian citizens in Pakistan. He has seen India through its greatest economic reform yet, signed a commercial nuclear energy deal with the Unites States and is on the hunt for a solution to a conflict as old as modern India.

From Amritsar to Delhi to Kabul on a one-day food binge isn’t likely to happen in Manmohan Singh’s lifetime, but it’s a goal future generations of South Asians will likely applaud.

Popularity: 4% [?]

The Mormons in India

July 24th, 2009

By Sonya Fatah — Special to GlobalPost

Published: July 24, 2009 11:57 ET
Updated: July 27, 2009 19:47 ET

NEW DELHI — Their voices rang out, echoing in the nearby passageway. “Count your many blessings,” they sang. “Name them one by one. Count your many blessings. See what God hath done.” And so, the women, some 25 of them, members of the Sisters Committee at one of the six churches of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints in New Delhi, closed their Sunday post-service meeting.

“Let us all work together so we can have a temple here,” urged the chair of the meeting, eliciting head nods and verbal assents all round.

There are almost 7,500 Mormons in India, according to the LDS Church, one of the most organized religious bodies in the world. Like all religious groups keen on increasing their numbers, the church is now looking eastward, toward India to share Joseph Smith’s message.

On numbers alone, conversion in India hasn’t happened as quickly as in Latin America, but that isn’t holding back the missionary fervor of those who have already embraced the church’s teachings. Ever since elders from the Quorum of the Twelve, while visiting Bangalore in 1992, announced a “prophecy” that New Delhi would have a temple, serious efforts are underway to get there.

Anuradha Yadav, 24, is one new Mormon who is dedicated to seeing a temple in New Delhi. Born into a traditional Hindu family of the Yadav caste, Anuradha recalls questioning her faith early on, when she was 14 years old.

“I kept asking questions, and I started visiting churches. In all I visited 30 churches.” One year of church shopping later, Anuradha was even more confused. Then in 2006 she bumped into two young elders on the street who shared the Book of Mormon with her.

She read it cover to cover and felt renewed. “I knelt down and prayed. That was such a wonderful moment. I felt as if somebody had just made me calm,” she said, tearing up at the memory.

Two of the women in the front row at the Sister’s Committee meeting were from Anuradha’s family: her mother, Saraswati, and her sister-in-law, Hema. Dressed traditionally in a blue sari, her hair tied up in a neat bun with a bindi on her forehead, Saraswati came to the church after she saw a miraculous change in her daughter.

“The church changed Anuradha and taught her so much patience and kindness. I was attracted to Christianity myself as a child because I had a Christian friend and I always wanted to go to church with her but my father never let me.”

Most of the people gathered here were either recent converts or those interested in joining the church. Of the five elders in the room, two were young Americans on the 18-month mission that is part of every young Mormon’s coming of age in the church.

Elder Dyck, 20, from Sacramento, Calif., had just completed the first year of his mission. “We speak a lot to people on the road as we’re walking around our delegated areas. It’s hard here to attract people,” he admitted, “but the positives really outweigh the negatives.”

To Indian converts, one of Mormonism’s greatest attractions is the existence of the living prophet. “We have a living prophet who is leading and guiding us right now,” an Indian elder told the Bible Study group.

Like Elder Dyck, Anuradha, also went on a conversion mission to Andhra Pradesh in the country’s south, where Mormons have had the most success in attracting Indians. “My father was not happy that I was going away for 18 months but I went anyway.” Once dismissive of idol worship and reincarnation, Anuradha employed patience and understanding in reaching out to others instead of mocking her birth religion.

Over the course of that mission, Anuradha converted 30 people. Outside her mission, she’s converted at least 10 other people, including her mother, two brothers, a sister, a sister-in-law and three close friends. For her, as for many of those who attend church at the several New Delhi missions, Mormonism is a no-brainer.

“I learned how to be a good daughter, a good sister, to respect everyone and be kind to everyone,” Anuradha said. “I really know that this is the true gospel of Jesus Christ and my life really has changed.”

Popularity: 4% [?]

India farmers fight land deals – RADIO DOCUMENTARY

February 2nd, 2009

FROM CBC RADIO ONE, SHOW: DISPATCHES, aired February 2, 2009

India has big plans to industrialise more of its economy. Inconveniently for some Indian farmers, they’re not part of it.

It’s one of those development stories that pits a new way of life against an old one, and the desire for modern new factories over the fields and fishponds of agrarian society.

So far it’s generating more heat than light. But what heat! As we hear from Sonya Fatah in the Indian state of Maharashtra.

Scroll down to the February 2 – 8 show, and listen to the documentary at: http://www.cbc.ca/dispatches/
OR listen to the entire podcast of the Feb 2 show: http://podcast.cbc.ca/mp3/dispatches_20090202_11594.mp3

Popularity: 12% [?]

Christians of India under attack

January 26th, 2009

The spate of violence against a religious minority tears at the secular fabric of India
By Sonya Fatah – GlobalPost

January 26, 2009

NEW DELHI – Inside the Roman Catholic Cathedral of the Sacred Heart, an oil painting of Jesus at the Last Supper looked down upon the congregation as a priest led some 200 in prayer.
The Mass here was underway and the hymns in Hindi wafted up among the high vaulting arches, but this air of peace and tranquility inside the cathedral contrasted sharply with the ominous feeling that has descended over India’s minority Christian community in recent months.
Throughout the fall, scores of Christians were killed in India, thousands made homeless, their churches destroyed. Hindu extremists are suspected in many of the attacks.
What’s more, the violence, which started in the eastern state of Orissa in late August, didn’t stop there. Instead, it spread to Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, and even Goa, a state better known for its rave parties, hippie ghettos and coastal seafood fare.
Christians form only 2.3 percent of India’s population. But given the country’s size, its Christian population – 24 million according to the 2001 Indian census – is hardly small.
For years, Christians coexisted peacefully with India’s 82 percent Hindu majority, but the growth of fringe fundamentalism has begun to tear at India’s largely secular fabric.
Of late, Christian missionary work and terror attacks blamed on Muslim extremists have fueled anger among splinter Hindu extremist groups, whose self-professed goal is to fully convert India into a nation for Hindus.
Over a cup of tea recently, Catholic Archbishop Vincent Michael Concessao puzzled over the escalating scale of attacks carried out by the Sangh Parivar. The Sangh Parivar is an umbrella group that comprises several right-wing organizations, including its more acceptable political face, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
“There is fear about what will happen, even in places with strong Christian communities like Mangalore,” Concessao said.
In October, churches and congregations in Mangalore, a southern Indian city, were systematically attacked for the first time.
“Mangalore is the sort of place that has never had this trouble either in the recent past or going way back,” said Rhoda D’sa, who retired from the Reserve Bank of India and now teaches in Bangalore. “We share a common language and a common culture — we’ve been neighbors — and we were never aware of a feeling of alienation,” D’sa added.
Religious violence isn’t new to India, which still carries scars from the 1947 partition that created India and Pakistan. A million people died in primarily Hindu-Muslim violence.
For most of the past 61 years, however, secularism has been India’s predominant belief. It’s only recently that Hindu right-wing parties have grown in strength. Their mission: to rescue Hinduism from the evangelical forces of Christianity and what they perceive as the perils of Islam.
Targeted Christian attacks began this year after a right-wing Hindu leader was murdered Aug. 23 in Kandhamal. Hindu militant outfits blamed Christians and took revenge.
Kandhamal is a sort of battleground for faith wars. A majority of its population is tribal. India’s original inhabitants, who historically followed localized nature-based rituals, number roughly 84 million. Hindu and Christian groups have undertaken serious missionary efforts to bring them into their fold.
Conservative Hindu groups have been pushing for a ban on conversion and the eradication of cow slaughter. Cows are sacred in Hinduism and their slaughter is outlawed in most Indian states. Several states have also passed anti-conversion laws.
Many Hindus are opposed to Christian missionary work — they lambast it as insensitive to the Hindu religion. In some cases extreme Christian groups have been disrespectful to Hinduism, although judging by published accounts such events seem relatively rare.
“So much money comes into (Orissa) for (Christian) missionary efforts” from overseas, said Tathagata Sathpathy, a minister of Parliament. “These guys offered dalits better chances by offering them jobs, free education, and other benefits that any poor community needs. That’s one reason why there have been mass conversions to Christianity.”
Most Indian Christians, roughly 70 percent, are from India’s dalit community, previously known as “untouchables” in India’s caste hierarchy. Conversions to Christianity occurred over centuries. Recently, however, Hindu militant groups have begun forcing groups of Christians to re-convert to Hinduism, spreading terror in rural Christian communities.
Babu Kumar Nayak, a 16-year-old Christian from Kandhamal, watched his home burn in September before walking 350 kilometers to safety.
“Those who attacked us were my classmates,” Nayak said. “Some of them I have known all my life. I was watching, as they were singing: ‘Hindu, Hindu, brothers all/We won’t keep the Christians among us/No other faith will be allowed to spread/If it does, we will burn it down.’”
This kind of hostility, many Christians say, used to be rare.
“The country had never known the power of the vote of religion, and that vote was capitalized when the BJP played the Hindu card and came to power in 1998,” said Maxwell Perreira, former joint commissioner of police in New Delhi.
To fight the rising trend of communalism, many Christians hope that Indians will exercise their preference for secularism in the general elections early next year.
“We have not done enough to gather the secular forces in the country,” mused Concessao, the archbishop. “It’s the lay man who needs to be at the forefront of this movement.”

Popularity: 6% [?]

An improving relationship now at risk in South Asia

December 12th, 2008

Opinion, the TORONTO STAR, December 12, 2008

Community-building measures between India and Pakistan lost as blame game heats up

SONYA FATAH
My heart sank when Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, in his first national address after the Mumbai terror attacks, said that a foreign hand was involved.

Last year, Singh made the endearing admission that he wished in his lifetime to see a day when he could breakfast in New Delhi, lunch in Lahore and dine in Kabul. Since last month’s ghastly attack, that dream seems desperately distant.

I am Pakistani and Muslim. My husband is Indian and Hindu, and I have lived in New Delhi for two years as a journalist with the Canadian media.

As a Pakistani growing up in a hostile Indo-Pak environment, I never imagined that India and Pakistan could ever get along. Yet here I am, a testament to that change, not only living among Indians but also happily married to one.

Over the past six years, a series of community-building measures have matured the India-Pakistan relationship. Education exchanges and fashion shows have taken place.

Indian crowds boisterously cheered on Pakistani cricket players during a recent club tournament. There has been people-to-people diplomacy, and trade has significantly multiplied.

Moreover, despite the challenges of our notorious bureaucracies, new, lasting, long-term partnerships like my own have developed. At a personal level, our families have embraced one another. And in travelling India as a journalist, I have found that a cross-section of Indian society – rickshaw drivers, store owners, students, activists, police officers, government officials and many others – have been demonstrably hospitable. Many consider the South Asian faceoff a reflection of establishment, not people-to-people, hostility.

All that goodwill promises to change.

After the Mumbai attacks, I watched the coverage with deep anger at the young, urban-clad terrorists who massacred innocent people in the name of a religion they clearly don’t know. But as I watched the Indian media report the grisly event, I began to panic. Before the first night was out the nation was certain that Pakistan was responsible.

The media began whipping their viewers into an anti-Pakistan frenzy. Suddenly, regular citizens – housewives, students and young professionals, mostly from the country’s middle to upper classes – began chanting the mantra, “Let’s bomb Pakistan.” On a nationally televised show, television host Simi Garewal began calling for carpet bombing Pakistan.

This kind of sentiment is especially dangerous. Many Indians think a quick bombing sortie on Pakistani terrorist camps will solve the problem. They forget that Pakistan has one of the world’s better armed forces bristling with modern weaponry and, like India, nuclear warheads. The human toll of any such engagement would be catastrophic.

I’m no stranger to Pakistan’s problems. As a journalist I’ve covered Pakistan fairly extensively, from the Pak-Afghan border areas to Pakistani Kashmir. Militancy is indeed on the rise and Pakistan’s intelligence agency, Inter-Services Intelligence or ISI, remains an extra-constitutional actor. Elite and middle-class Pakistanis know this but are in denial.

People paid special attention only when Islamabad’s Marriott Hotel, a haunt of the elite, went up in flames in September. Similarly in India, bombs have gone off in middle-class markets and in trains packed with lower class passengers. Only now, when the elite has been attacked, is there any sense of urgency for retaliation.

The reality is that Pakistan cannot afford war. Today, counterinsurgencies are underway in Balochistan and in the North-West Frontier Province. The country’s economy is in shambles, and young, disillusioned Pakistanis are happily joining a growing cult of militancy.

A war would play into Al Qaeda’s hands by distracting the Pakistani military’s attention and allowing Al Qaeda to ramp up its operations.

So, where do we go from here? Today, India is a South Asian leader. It needs to bring in stronger, more mature leadership that can rise above the blame game that has typically characterized the relationship.

It has work to do at home and abroad, though. It has to show that secularism works. It must act with speed in situations like in Orissa where Hindu mobs recently killed scores of Christians and set fire to their villages. It has to overcome the grisly history of the 1992 razing of the Babri mosque, and the killing of more than 1,000 Muslims in Gujarat in 2002.

Closure has been difficult because of the rise of Hindu extremism; an Indian army officer is being investigated for the 2007 Samjhauta Express bombing – the friendship train between India and Pakistan, in which 68 people, mostly Pakistanis, died.

Equally worrisome is the large increase in bomb attacks by Indian Muslims.

South Asia, in particular Pakistan, is in a fragile state.

Yet there is reason for hope.

Recently, Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari told Indians via live satellite at a leadership summit interview – televised in India and Pakistan – that Pakistan has adopted a no-first-strike nuclear policy, the first such promise from a Pakistani leader. Zardari said he was for “change and reconciliation,” and endeared himself to Indians when he said, “I do not know whether it is the Indian or the Pakistani in me that is talking to you today.”

This week, Pakistani security forces arrested 15 people connected with the outlawed militant outfit, Lashkar-e-Taiba, which India holds accountable for the Mumbai attacks.

Perhaps now both countries have an opportunity to solve the regional crisis. They should finally put Kashmir – the longest dispute in modern history – on the table for resolution.

On a personal level, as a Pakistani living in India and married to an Indian, it worries me that partnerships like ours, which could be one key to regional peace, must survive in an oasis of hysteria and at the edge of communal tension. Every day we hope for a day when economic, political and human relationships are real and sustainable. And yet, it takes only a handful of terrorists to strike at the heart of a small piece of trust that has taken decades to cultivate.

Popularity: 7% [?]

The Conviction of Love

December 8th, 2008

Amnesty Magazine, Winter 2008
By Sonya Fatah
amina250.jpg

Amina Janjua

After Amina Masood Janjua’s husband went missing, she took her case to the steps of the Supreme Court with nothing more than some handmade placards and a few folding chairs. Her protest over Pakistan’s “disappeared” has grown into a national movement and become an integral storyline in the country’s continuing constitutional crisis.

On the morning of July 30, 2005, Amina Janjua sat down for breakfast as usual with her husband, Masood Ahmed Janjua, and their three children. After their meal, the children waved goodbye as their father headed off with a friend for three days in the northwestern city of Peshawar, a little over a hundred miles from their home in Rawalpindi. Amina watched Masood walk away from the house and turn the corner.

It was the last time she saw him. Although the details of what happened to her husband and his friend, Faisal Faraz, are sketchy, Amina has learned that they may not have boarded the bus that was to take them to Peshawar. They were picked up by intelligence agents and bundled off into illegal detention in unknown places.

For nights before his departure, Amina had had strange nightmares. “My dreams were wild,” she says. “I dreamt that I kept falling, and I dreamt of being buried alive. In retrospect I realized that these must have been premonitions or some sort of intuition. That day, as I saw him disappear around the corner, I desperately wanted to run after him, stop him and tell him not to go that weekend. But I knew he would think I was being silly, so I just let him go.”

After Masood went missing, family and friends worked tirelessly for months to obtain information about his whereabouts. When they learned he had “disappeared” into Pakistan’s large and secretive intelligence netherworld, they called upon their contacts within the country’s powerful military and its affiliated intelligence agencies. Masood’s father, a retired colonel who knew then- President Gen. Pervez Musharraf from his days in the army, asked the most powerful man in the country to secure his son’s release. “At first, all our contacts in the army—and we had many— said they would find out and help us. Even President Musharraf promised to help. I met everyone I could access,” says Amina, who initially fell into a deep depression before throwing herself into the search. But her entreaties went nowhere. “I felt I was facing a wall. There was no relief from anyone—the police, the courts—and we had tried all our military contacts. After promising to help, they began to avoid me.”

In September 2006, Amina joined with relatives of Faraz and another man who had “disappeared,” Atiq-ur-Rehman, to stage a protest outside the steps of the Supreme Court with handcrafted posters and placards. Her daughter, Ayesha, then 10 years old, made her own sign: uncle president, please find my loving abbo [father]. That tiny protest launched a national movement that, within a year, swelled with the families of 575 missing Pakistanis and was joined by lawyers, judges, students and concerned citizens. It has made Amina Janjua a household name and given voice to the frustrations of ordinary Pakistanis at their government’s heavy-handed tactics in the war on terror that spurred deadly attacks at home but did nothing to diminish domestic terrorism. Amina grew increasingly politicized as she realized, she says, that “they have kept men like my husband, who are innocent, in secret prisons for years, and the real criminals are roaming our streets with aplomb.”

To see Amina Masood Janjua in action today on the steps of the Supreme Court, or outside the gates of the Awane- Saddar (office of the president), or addressing a human rights delegation at the United Nations in Geneva, as she did earlier this year, is to witness the remarkable transformation of a devoted wife who once contented herself with fussing over her husband and children, painting and writing love poems in her spare time. Amina is now head of the Defense of Human Rights, the group launched by that first protest in 2006, and she has proven herself to be a dynamic activist who understands the utility of harnessing public opinion to support her mission: to win the release of hundreds of men who remain in illegal detention in and around Pakistan— or at least to obtain legal access and representation for them. “We do whatever we can to raise awareness at different levels,” she says. “We stage protests, press conferences, hold seminars and have awareness campaigns.” Recently, in an effort to reach out further, the Defense of Human Rights hosted a painting competition for children to express their views on wrongful arrests, illegal detentions and the poor condition of Pakistani jails.

In Amina, the Defense of Human Rights has the perfect ambassador. Her voice is soft yet persuasive. Her round and slightly cherubic face, framed by her sometimes plain, sometimes patterned hijabs, can turn fierce with determination. By her own admission, the trauma of Masood’s “disappearance” has given her both perspective and purpose in life. “I had no idea about cruelty and injustice in the world. I was living in such happiness, even in childhood. I was a family favorite, and everyone treated me like a princess. Masood was so loving and caring as a husband,” she says. “After experiencing this pain, I’ve changed a lot. I spend most of my hours thinking about injustice in our modern age of technology and advancement, and yet”—Amina’s voice breaks—”at the time we were so desperate, we would just take a few chairs, some snacks for the children and park ourselves outside the parliament, hoping to get some attention. I had no idea that this would mushroom into a national movement when we started.”

Early on in Amina’s quest, her story attracted the attention of the chief justice of the Supreme Court, Iftikhar Mohammad Chaudhry. He took deep interest in the issue of the “disappeared” and directed intelligence agencies to produce the men they had abducted before court to afford them the legal protections they were due under the justice system. His efforts won the enmity of then-President Musharraf, who sacked him in November 2007. The general’s roughshod treatment of the country’s top judge, and the sub-sequent suspension of Chaudhry’s allies in the judiciary, set off a protracted constitutional struggle that resulted in violent street clashes between police and lawyers outraged by Chaudhry’s ouster. Pakistan’s new national government has reinstated some of the judges, but Chaudhry—who has become a potent symbol of democracy in a fractious political climate—remains suspended, along with several other judges.

Amina’s fight has been closely intertwined with the so-called “Lawyers’ Movement,” a fact that is reflected by the high regard many members of the judiciary have for her. Says Fakhruddin Ibrahim, a retired Supreme Court justice who has supported Amina’s cause from the start, “I think half the battle was fought because of her. The lawyers were there to fight the case on legal grounds, but she would assert herself on emotional grounds. Her role was very important in this process, which I believe has been the most important litigation to come before the Supreme Court of Pakistan.”

The issue of “disappearances” has been an extremely volatile one in Pakistan, for hundreds of the missing are from Balochistan, the province that has been at odds with the national government for decades over institutionalized ethnic discrimination, including the aggressive extraction of its natural resources—coal, minerals and natural gas—and poor representation in Islamabad. Several individuals have also gone missing in Sindh Province, where people have similar grievances. Before Amina and her family challenged the country’s seat of power, these families had kept silent, afraid that public demonstrations of their anxiety would result in persecution from various branches of Pakistani intelligence. After her public protest movement began, she says, “All sorts of families started coming to us. I realized we had something in common: We were all merely asking for our rights. So I said, sure, join us.”

“Her leadership in Pakistan, during a time of crisis when hundreds of Pakistanis were ‘disappearing,’ was essential,” says T. Kumar, Amnesty International USA’s advocacy director for Asia and the Pacific. “It’s very rare to come across someone who is willing to go so far, even when it affects her own family.”

Amina’s vigorous activism, however, has attracted the unwanted attention of the authorities. During a December 2006 rally in Rawalpindi, police officials beat her two sons and partially stripped one of them in public. “My daughter and I were screaming at them to leave them alone. Then my daughter fainted, and I didn’t know what to do—to help her or my sons.” Widespread news coverage resulted in the sacking of junior police officers involved. But Amina insists they were sacrificial lambs for the high-level officers who gave the orders. “I gave an affidavit spelling out their names and ranks. In the end they sacked the wrong guys.”

In September, en route to the United States, her visa was cancelled suddenly— a result, Amina believes, of her growing prominence on the international stage; the cancellation occurred just as she was departing Switzerland after addressing a series of high-level European meetings. “I was at the airport in Geneva, ready to board my plane,” Amina says, “whenI received a phone call from Islamabad. The caller identified himself as Chris Richard from [the] visa section of the U.S. Embassy in Pakistan. He told me, ‘We will deport you if you try to board this plane. We have simply been told to communicate this order to you, and we don’t know why.’”

In many ways the story of Amina’s life with Masood had the trappings of a Pakistani romance novel. She was born in Mardan, in Pakistan’s now-restive northwestern frontier province, in 1964 and spent the afternoons of her childhood scampering across conveyer belts carrying bags of colored sugar in the factory where her father was chief engineer. As a young woman she hoped to become an army medical officer; when she failed to make the cut, she went into the arts, earning her bachelor’s degree in English literature and a master’s degree in fine arts from Punjab University’s Government College for Women.

Art introduced her to Masood. After university Amina participated in a number of exhibitions hosted by some of the country’s most renowned artists and kept a lookout for a gallery that would exhibit her work. Although Masood earned most of his income at the time from his travel agency, he also owned the Originals Art Gallery in Islamabad. Amina recalls, “When I showed him my art work, he told me he didn’t like it! It was too realistic. He encouraged me to try and use more abstract influences in my paintings, to be more creative with my work.” Later, he bought some of her paintings, and a romance developed. They were married in 1989, after their families met, settled into a three-story house in Westridge—a prominent neighborhood in Rawalpindi, a city of 3 million people— with Masood’s parents, and had three children: Mohammad, Ali and Ayesha. Amina still shares the house with Masood’s father and his mother, both of whom have been her A-team since their son disappeared. They live on the ground floor; Amina shares the middle floor with her daughter, Ayesha; and her sons, Mohammad, 18, and Ali, 17, live on the top floor.

Amina says she has no idea why the authorities would have been interested in Masood, though she says he became religious, began “sporting a beard” and devoted more time to social service after the couple performed the Muslim pilgrimage Hajj in 2000. “These days, just having a beard and wearing shalwar kameez makes us marked people in our own country,” she says.

She is, however, keenly aware that her family has been riven by political forces larger—and more ominous— than even she imagines. “Many of my well-wishers and family members made me realize that what I’m doing is not only unusual but also historic, and it could be very dangerous too—God forbid.” Yet she is driven by the hope that Masood will return.

Last year she wrote, in Urdu:

I’m amazed
That you’re not here
And yet
The sun rises,
The moon shines, and the stars
Twinkle…
…I am amazed
That you are not here
And that lamps of hope are still lit
From my beloved heart
The feeling is still strong
The love of my life,
That you are!
O love of my life,
That you are!

During the last couple of years, Amina has witnessed the return of perhaps 150 “disappeared” individuals. Some of them, after spending years in subterranean and subhuman conditions, were mentally and physically destroyed. She is prepared for a changed Masood once he comes home, though she hopes he is not as incapacitated as one man she knows who—two years after his release—stammers and cannot cross the road for fear.

Popularity: 6% [?]

Canadian questions a year-long commitment

December 1st, 2008

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Joanna Harries is reconsidering her decision to spend a year in Mumbai.
December 01, 2008

SONYA FATAH, THE TORONTO STAR

MUMBAI–When Joanna Harries was deciding whether to head to India or Pakistan after learning she had been selected for the Acumen Fund’s year-long fellowship program, she opted for India.

“I said `no’ to Pakistan because I figured it would be a dangerous place for a woman,” the Toronto native said.

The irony of that decision isn’t lost on her.

Harries, 28, arrived in Mumbai two weeks ago. She was at a reception at the Cricket Club of India in the south of the city when the news of the attacks reached her. “There was absolute chaos. Everyone was stranded in south Mumbai and wanted to get out. There were 10 to 12 people in each cab, and we knew that bombs had gone off in some cabs but we couldn’t do anything.”

She and her colleagues made it to the safety of their homes in the northern suburbs, but the experiences of that night and the past few days have left her rattled.

Harries, who worked as a brand manager with Unilever in Canada and the United States, was married last year but didn’t want to pass up the Acumen Fund opportunity, so she and her husband are spending the year apart. Acumen, which also operates in Pakistan and Africa, is a non-profit social venture fund that invests in “sustainable and scalable” businesses to tackle poverty.

In Mumbai, Harries has been working for DIAL 1298, a private ambulance service operating in a city starved for good public medical care. During the three-day siege in Mumbai, DIAL 1298 played a significant role in aiding government, police and hospital officials.

Its 51 ambulances, half outfitted with state-of-the-art advanced life support, some charged by solar panels, scurried from location to location ferrying hostages from the city’s two premier hotels.

“I spent the night in the call centre just watching and trying to be helpful, talking to blood donors, and watching what was going on, on television … I don’t know how to evaluate what has happened. In Canadian terms, this number of deaths never happens.”

These are days of second thoughts. She says she feels fine, but she is questioning whether being in Mumbai, away from a new spouse and the safety and security of home, is a smart decision.

Her family in Toronto is deeply concerned about her safety. Although they understand her reasons for being in India and taking on the fellowship, they would be happy if she returned home to Canada, Harries said.

“I’m going around talking to many people – Indian and otherwise – to see what they think. I feel safe in my apartment but I don’t want to spend the rest of my year here holed up in there.”

Popularity: 6% [?]

Survivors recall hotel nightmare

December 1st, 2008

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Charles Cannon, left, spoke of ordeal. Larry Koftinoff, of Kelowna, B.C., turned to meditation during hotel siege.

December 01, 2008
SONYA FATAH, THE TORONTO STAR

MUMBAI–Days after they escaped the besieged Oberoi hotel, many of the surviving members of a meditation group are still traumatized by their experience.

Lured to India in search of spirituality, the group of 25 meditation practitioners from Canada, the United States, Australia and New Zealand instead found themselves in a prolonged terrorist attack.

By the end of their 45-hour ordeal, two members of the group had died and three – including Montreal actor Michael Rudder who was shot three times – were recovering in Bombay Hospital.

The remaining three Canadians, Helen Connolly of Toronto, who was grazed in the arm by a bullet, and Kelowna, B.C., couple Larry and Bernie Koftinoff, are well and looking forward to returning home.

The group’s leader, known to members as Master Charles Cannon, told reporters yesterday of the harrowing hours during which the group mustered its strength, he said, to emerge from the experience feeling profoundly more spiritual.

Cannon, 63, paused from time to time to check his emotions as he talked about the group’s ordeal.

“As I sat in that room in the Oberoi hotel with the door barricaded and guns and bombs going off for over 45 hours … thinking that the next moment the door would be blown away and life would be ended, I kept trying to look into myself and see what sense I could make of the situation,” the American said.

In the end, he said, the experience was an “affirmation of life, of compassion, of love, kindness and of the oneness of humanity.”

Larry Koftinoff, 56, who introduced Cannon to reporters, appeared calm and composed. But he said some of the group’s members were starting to show signs of post-traumatic stress disorder.

“It’s this time when the post-traumatic stress starts – a lot of the women especially – now that they are now coming out of the shock that you’re in originally and realize what has happened.”

Koftinoff and his wife, Bernie, also turned to meditation during the siege.

“We had each other,” Koftinoff said. “For some of the other people, it’s harder because they don’t have anyone else there to help balance the tensions.”

The group arrived in India on Nov. 15 for a two-week meditation course under Cannon’s leadership. Cannon heads the Synchronicity Foundation, which he started up in 1983, as a “modern mystic” and a “master of meditation” after spending 12 years in India. The foundation, a non-profit organization, focuses on meditation and has a 180-hectare sanctuary not far from Charlottesville, Va. On the Wednesday evening of the attack, most of the group’s members had retired to their rooms after returning from a meditation session.

Rudder, Connolly and four Americans had opted to dine at Tiffin, a restaurant in the hotel, when gunmen entered the room and sprayed the guests with bullets.

Cannon said all six dove under the table for cover. Survivors watched in horror as the gunmen went table to table and sprayed bullets at those cowering underneath. Two Americans, Alan Scherr, 58, and his 13-year-old daughter Naomi, were killed while they held onto each other. Connolly held their hands and felt their lives ebb away as the attackers stormed the hotel.

After the gunmen left, a waiter whispered, “If you can move, follow me.” The surviving four – three of them with bullet wounds – crawled to safety and left through a back entrance. All four were taken to hospital, and Rudder, who was in critical care at first, is recovering and expected to be in Bombay Hospital for another two weeks after undergoing surgery.

For the remaining 19 members of the group, gun battles, explosions and the sounds of footsteps of terrorists running between the floors, continued for 45 hours before their release was secured.

Cannon, who was in his room with two of his assistants, broke the thick glass of the hotel window when fire broke out and smoke began to fill the air. In his room on the 12th floor, Koftinoff did the same.

“What was amazing was that a lot of people in Canada sent us a lot of prayers, energy and healing across,” said Gautam Sachdeva, who heads Yoga Impressions.

“We got calls and emails and heard about a lot of special prayers held for the group. People got together in ashrams and prayed for them.”

Despite experiencing loss and feeling low, neither Cannon nor any in his group seem to blame anyone for their ordeal.

Yesterday afternoon, Cannon visited the three members in hospital.

He said one of the injured women told him, “We are not the victims of terrorism, we are the victors over terrorism. We chose the affirmation of life, we chose love and we forgive.”

Popularity: 6% [?]

Anxious relatives pore over lists of dead

November 29th, 2008

November 29, 2008
Sonya Fatah THE TORONTO STAR

MUMBAI–Worried relatives and friends rushed to the city’s many hospitals yesterday, hoping their search for the missing would not take them down the road to the mortuary.

Police teams and paramilitary troops stood guard on the sprawling 26-hectare grounds of the 160-year-old Jamshedji Jijibhoy Hospital in the heart of Mumbai, keeping journalists at bay as family members gathered in the hospital’s lobby to pore over the lists of the dead at a makeshift control centre.

Many of the dead were brought to this hospital. Nurses helped people look for names but many were on a hospital-to-hospital hunt for loved ones who were still missing.

The smell of dead bodies hung heavily in the air just outside the hospital’s mortuary. A family huddled together, waiting to receive the body of a loved one. One man anxiously leaned over the information counter asking for help.

“I’ve been looking in all the hospitals. His name isn’t on any list. Can you help me find him?”

The harried man behind the desk replied: “The names are all on the list. I don’t have any other information.”

There were also many unidentified bodies, including those of two foreigners, waiting to be collected by the overworked mortuaries.

Throughout the day at the city’s southern hospitals – Breach Candy Hospital, St. George’s Hospital and Bombay Hospital – ambulances with wailing sirens brought in more casualties and injured folks as evacuation proceedings continued at the Oberoi hotel along Marine Dr.

Despite the additional pressure, however, hospital workers were efficient and tried their best to help the many on city-wide desperate searches.

Popularity: 6% [?]